Print anonymous (1 era half of the nineteenth century e). Museum of the History of Lyon, Lyon.
"Revolt Lyon is only a partial symptom of a general crisis: the proletariat is the social question century. Since 1830, she was born to public discussion. [...] The idea has suddenly burst into the political order, and passed into the facts.
The proletarian is reached on the Square in the era of July, the attempts of June 5 and 6, but especially the two insurrections in Lyon. He highly protested his right to welfare, and after his warnings, he returned to work, thereby indicating under what conditions it placed the company's future. He wants to emancipation, but he wants to order, symbolized both through work in progress. There is indeed for him the surest means of postage, although slower, is by this process he hopes to redeem himself and rise: because the work is his life, and only by force that pulls to the condition of its existence. But on the other hand, he is aware of his right, he claims high morals and education, and, in fact, he joined the justice of his cause great prejudice of his moderation. Pleased to have demonstrated its strength and aroused the attention of governments on the needs he has made the agenda, he did see his self-preservation at the same time as its destructive power. These needs have agreed to peacefully again, but they showed they would be armed again, once we reduce them to act for themselves, even if we repressed the proletariat in despair as no softening term.
Because he wants to live by working or die fighting . This formula will go down in history: it was written with the blood of Lyon on the flag of the proletariat, but unfortunately it is destined to reappear future crises in each of our industrial society. It's ultimatum power that arose in the face, and with which there was an armistice far, for we think that, for workers, the last victory of power does swing that its previous defeat. And even in this equation of forces, the moral is to the proletariat, which has marked its triumph of any act of cruelty. [...] The proletariat forms the bottom of society. It is everywhere and he lives with us, he does not leave us this is our shadow. And we are doomed find the solution of this major contemporary issue in a manner favorable to the masses, or, if we shut them all coming to see us buried with them under the ruins of the social structure. [...] The march of this revolution will not stop the masses. The proletarian merely serve his intimate and natural law of development, common to all that tends to be organized for its completion indefinitely. The phenomenon will follow us until then, we have gradually enveloped the issue, a big revolution, broke with the sovereign power of a universal fact. This will be the organization Sitting on the proletariat itself. Both governors and governed, it will split into two nations over a homogeneous isolated, identified in a single life now. And then, the unit being established, freedom will be more than the regular movement of the ledge's own people. [...]
Today, voluntary error of our bourgeois aristocracy, instead of adopting the social progress of this legislation and the future written in the past, is to want after all expulsion of the old caste, the world enfeoffing himself to his new overlords, and for them to be struck motionless. However, three days after the triumph of the bourgeoisie, we saw a second question arise from the abyss a moment open, closed soon: the eruption in July, while an average elevation was trying to reunite with fragments the old society, the proletariat rose up by dominating all. But the idea is so radical that it disproportionately scared the whole of European society, laying bare the very foundation on which it rests. And self-preservation does not mistaken. So the coalition of kings did it been summarized in a kind of mutual insurance against fire of the Democratic Revolution. In Europe, there is more than the government of fear, and there will be no more until the moral instinct has turned retrograde this hostility into a huge wave of sympathy marching at the head companies with all their forces, or until the great final revolt of the proletariat, forced to intervene on his behalf, after suffering oppression for last (and it will be harder) than the rich. Now we walk fast in the second of these two outcomes, and we are increasingly moving away from the first, which could be peaceful. "
LS," Overview on the question of the proletariat "in : The Revolt of Lyon in 1834,
or daughter of the Proletarian , Paris, Mustard, 1835.
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